EA FORUM POSTS

 

Simply a question, even if it is only accepted as a reductio ad absurdum. There is an error in the mere consideration of "altruism" as a quantitative contribution of goods (which is the error of all "consequentialism"). The effective work for altruism must be that which has to do with developing alternative psychosocial strategies. Cultural changes do not have to occur massively, like political changes. Cultural evolution does not work like that. Alternative cultural systems based on prosocial values ​​must be built. What traditional religions did in the past in the process of cultural evolution must be put into practice today by making use of alternative cultural resources. If astrology and alchemy evolved into astronomy and chemistry, religion can evolve as well.

Let us explain it by first putting the consequences, so that we can deduce the causes from them... Unequivocal altruism, and therefore the most effective.
https://unequivocal21.blogspot.com/

Civilization is the control of aggression. Altruism is a consequence of it, but altruism is also an unequivocal manifestation of it.

Effective altruism is a social movement that seems to have unique characteristics, which does not replace any previously existing one. By focusing on the rational development of public altruistic behavior, it affects one of the basic elements of prosocial human behavior.


There are many conceptions of the civilizing process, but the most lucid and most concise in its communicative expression follows the simple idea of ​​old Freud: control of instinct. And more properly, of the aggressive instinct, necessary in all social mammals... absolutely useless and counterproductive in Homo sapiens.


The end of the historical period demands the end of political changes and that social changes occur from now on by non-political means. To do this, it is necessary to put in place mechanisms to improve prosocial behavior that allow the internalization of patterns of non-aggressive, altruistic behavior that generate human relationships of complete trust. At the beginning, given their demands, these mechanisms will probably take a similar form, to a certain extent, to Christian communitarianism - a morally influential minority - based on principles of charity, mutual love and non-violence... only based now on a rational examination of human reality informed by the social sciences. 

It is doing with religion what was already done at the time with astrology - which gave rise to astronomy - and with alchemy - which gave rise to chemistry. Even what was done with the "natural philosophy" of an Aristotle, which gave rise to Newtonian science.


There are no precedents for a social change movement of this type. Nor was there any for Effective Altruism until a few years ago.


As in all social change movements, the basic principle for its implementation is in the motivational sphere of the individuals who integrate it.
1-Motivation to live in a human (subcultural) environment of zero aggression.
2-Effective altruism
3-Making the world a better place etc (prosocial humanist ideology)


Changing paradigms is very difficult, all new ideas face a lot of resistance (prejudice), but this is the right forum where there is at least a chance that a new idea, which can be very beneficial, is discussed and understood.

The progress of civilisation implies, above all, the control of aggressive behaviour. Economic precariousness, punitive justice, irrational beliefs and ignorance are also direct consequences of (natural) aggressive behaviour, since they could not occur without a direct repression of the (natural) desires of benevolence, altruism, cooperation and empathy.

 Civilisation gradually establishes cultural controls on aggression which, in its most evolved form, imply an internalised prosocial morality.


At the present historical moment, we are threatened by the failure of the three main mechanisms of social change on which the civilising process has been based: political change, educational change, and technological change.


Political change seems to have reached its limit with the social market economy within the framework of the ideology of the Enlightenment. Let us say the "social democracy" of the EU. And it does not seem to be expanding.
Educational change was expected to have had a very positive influence by this time - 2025 - with almost eradication of illiteracy, a huge increase in higher education, a large consumption of books and other cultural products, and the incorporation of women into all productive sectors. But we find clear signs of ideological regression in the opposite direction to the Enlightenment.
Technological change has progressively increased world wealth... without having eradicated extreme poverty... and putting the environment at risk.


The EA community should reflect on the need to explore new mechanisms of social change. The expansion of altruism in a quantitative sense is an unequivocal good, but does it take into account the cultural origin of all social changes? And if the EA community itself is part of a cultural change, what could be its long-term consequences? Can we expect a large-scale expansion of effective altruism initiatives without a prior profound change in moral behavior patterns, comparable to those that have already occurred in the past?

Historically, the expansion of altruism has been related to changes in the symbolic expressions of our interpersonal relationships. Concepts such as "charity", "soul", "mercy", "dignity", "freedom", "compassion", "pity" ... have determined different conceptions of virtue and consequent changes in human social behavior.

The popular idea of ​​"Christian virtues" is basically a pattern of prosocial behavior based on the internalization of extreme values ​​of empathy, compassion, altruism and benevolence ... equivalent to the tightest control of aggression. Nobody knows what its limit is. Nobody has ever tried to find out. For a minority of strongly motivated individuals it could be a realistic goal. Let us think not only of the monastic experiences of the past but of more prosaic examples such as "Alcoholics Anonymous" (an association of individuals motivated to change behavior) . The social sciences can provide us today with a wide variety of resources for a rational and exhaustive improvement of human behavior in a prosocial sense.

An experience of life without aggression - and aggression, like "sin", is everywhere in our contemporary lifestyle-  could be attractive to a minority of individuals who could thus promote moral evolution in the mainstream world - this is how moral cultural advances have always been historically. None of this would be incompatible with quantitative altruistic contributions... quite the contrary. And the cost-benefit ratio could be the most profitable.

https://forum.effectivealtruism.org/posts/FotvcbDexjYY4gAgY/possible-importance-of-effective-altruism-in-the-civilizing

There are many definitions of economic systems. There is subsistence economy, communal economy, capitalist economy, etc.
For those interested in altruism, it should be noted that altruism itself, as a productive human activity, can be considered a potential large-scale economic system.

Obviously, in capitalism, altruism has little value, even if one considers one's fellow man as a potential producer-consumer of goods in an ever-expanding market. But in socialism, which claims that all economic activity serves the common good, we find ourselves in the field of dilemmas typical of game theory. If we all contribute to the common good out of our own self-interest... we will all try to obtain the greatest good from the system, contributing as little as possible. Therefore, socialism does not really serve the common good. Not, at least, with human beings.

The only economic system that would seem to really tend towards the common good would be one based on human altruism. In this sense, the theory of reciprocal altruism in ethology is of special interest, because animals, unlike human beings, do not act on the basis of reflexive behavior, but rather instinctive behavior. If the system of reciprocal altruism works sometimes in animals, it is not because they consider the convenience of this, but because their instinctive behavior patterns are the result of evolution.

For this reason, evolutionary psychologists do not consider human altruistic behavior based on reciprocity, but rather as an internalized behavior most likely based on culture, not on the basis of biological evolution, as in the case of animals. The typical example is that of the customer who gives a good tip in a restaurant to which he knows he will never return (which excludes reciprocity).

The apparent conclusion of all this is that if we really want an economy for the common good, we need to explore the field of human motivations for real altruistic behavior and the field of emotional - not material - gratifications for real altruistic behavior in our society, and this can only happen based on cultural changes

Today there are many individuals who act altruistically but they do so for different motivations. Obviously, no one acts against their own interests (not even altruistic people) but not all of us are interested in the same gratifications for our behavior. Many act altruistically for prestige reasons and others for religious beliefs. Both motivations are unstable and unpromising.

The most logical thing is to be interested in those people who act altruistically "to feel good about themselves" ... as is the case of the generous customer in the restaurant who will never return (of course, this altruistic act is just a relevant anecdote, but it does not express a systematic pattern of internalized altruistic behavior).

The famous study by Samuel and Pearl Oliner on "altruistic personality" seems to conclude that this type of behavior originates in the family environment, which has a much more acute impact on the formation of effective moral behavior than conventional institutionalized education.

Not all of us can be born into family environments that contribute to forming us emotionally as altruists. And, furthermore, the Oliner study focuses on a situation of extreme social emergency (the Shoah).

If we are motivated to act for a better world, and we know that the best way to do so is to expand an altruistic economic system, the logical conclusion is that the key element in this social change has to be exploring the possibilities of promoting genuine altruistic behavior as a cultural pattern. Altruistic behavior should work  on a large scale based on what we already know that can be intentionally modified in the cultural environment.  Our emotional reactions of moral nature and our rational capacity to accurately and unprejudicedly evaluate the social environment are all shaped by cultural patterns of behavior. And we can act  and participate consciously in cultural evolution by many means.

What has never been carried out is an unprejudiced discussion of cultural change strategies in the sense of moral improvement. We do have educational resources for children and youth, plus the already known mechanisms for the diffusion of moral values ​​within conventional culture. But the unspectacular results of all this have been visible for many years now.

Other types of mechanisms for changing behavior that are already known and very effective, and which have only been used so far by religious movements or violent organizations, have never been practiced for moral improvement - altruistic behavior capable of generating an effective altruistic economic system.

Let us recall the already known effect of religious conversions of "hardened criminals" within prisons, which leads to changes from antisocial to prosocial behavior, and of course, in the opposite direction (from prosocial to antisocial) and unfortunately with much greater ease, the effect of moral brutalization that is carried out in violent organizations such as criminal gangs and even certain military units (in the "Full Metal Jacket" style). These kinds of mechanisms were obviously already explored before the emergence of the academic discipline of psychology, but they have never been systematically used for the development of altruistic behavior in a genuine sense. History shows us some interesting cases regarding the deliberate change from antisocial to prosocial behavior, such as the "spiritual exercises" of the Jesuits... which in turn were inspired by Kempis's "Imitation of Christ". Religious behavior does not necessarily aim at altruistic behavior, but some religions deliberately emphasize aggression control strategies and practices of altruism and empathy. So far, no non-religious ideological movement has focused on this issue.


It makes no sense to be altruistic and at the same time dependent on prejudices and conventions.

Tolstoy was not a philosopher per se, but his moral preaching, social criticism and vision of human reality had a great influence on men and women of his time (for example, this was the case with Ludwig Wittgenstein, Romain Rolland and, of course, Gandhi), and, most likely, represented a lost opportunity for what could have been a much more relevant change.


Between 1880 and 1910, when he was the most famous living writer in the world, the elderly Russian aristocrat preached what was then already called "Christian anarchism" and which he called merely "Christianity". It was something very similar to what the French scholar, atheist and ex-priest Ernest Renan had already formulated: Christianity as "pure religion". That is, a psychological formulation of a lifestyle based on benevolence: altruistic, anti-aggressive, empathetic and affective behavior based on a rational, emotionally internalized conception of the world. 


Something contrary to human nature? Not for believers, of course (a "believer" can actually believe anything). Nor for social observers of the time, because there was already evidence that human aggressiveness varies greatly from one culture to another, from one human environment to another (and nobody knows the limit of it). Socialism already existed, whose "Rousseaunian" ideological basis considered that once oppressive social institutions were liquidated (private property, social classes, patriarchy, religion... family?, nationalism?) the human being would return to natural harmony.


Christianity posed the human problem as a struggle between sin and virtue. Like the Buddhists, Stoics and Platonists, it is believed that certain cultural practices could lead to human perfection. Of course, in Tolstoy's time - as today - no Christian congregation preached moral perfection in a practical way: both the Russian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church limited themselves to providing a certain "spiritual consolation" through citizen integration into rituals and supernatural promises. Tolstoy undertook research into religion and moral perfectionism which led him to become interested in early Christianity, certain traditional pacifist Christian sects (such as the now famous Amish, but also the Hutterites and the Dukhobori) and the pacifist and liberal American evangelism derived from Quakerism.


Although he never publicly renounced the supernatural, his interest was focused on moral perfectionism from the point of view of pacifism and charity. He accepted atheists and never considered the Gospel to be the word of God or to be followed to the letter (the Quakers did not do this either).


Tolstoyan philosophy was based above all on mastering the passions, loving one's fellow man, non-resistance to evil (or "non-violence" according to his disciple Gandhi) and creating an egalitarian social order without any oppressive institution (without State or government, therefore). As he loved nature and distrusted technology, his ideal would have been a rural humanity of simple life, without poverty or wealth.


Looking at Tolstoyism with a certain perspective, we find a confusing heteronomy with mandates of pacifism, vegetarianism, chastity and detachment from material things. Upon Tolstoy's death in 1910, the movement quickly disappeared, swallowed up by the war madness of 1914 and the Russian revolution of 1917. Tolstoy's main collaborator in his movement, Vladimir Tcherkov, ended his life comfortably within the Soviet system. Gandhi was a step backwards: he was a politician (Tolstoy was anti-political), he was a nationalist (Tolstoy was anti-nationalist) and he was a deep believer in the traditions of the supernatural (Tolstoy was, at best, a "deist"). And, in any case, Gandhi also failed to create a harmonious, non-authoritarian social alternative based on his beliefs in pacifism and charity.


Could it have been different?

The failure of Tolstoyism was due to the practical failure of Tolstoyism as a way of life. Although it inspired prosocial patterns of conduct such as charity (in accordance with the mandate of love and the detachment from material goods), pacifism, vegetarianism and life in nature, it could not generate a viable social model. And we have the testimony that the "Tolstoyan communities" had the same failure as other attempts at "utopian socialism" of the time. And it is surprising that Tolstoyism, despite its emphasis on evangelical behavioral values such as love and humility, did not manage to create a style of prosocial coexistence, a model of behavioral virtue in accordance with such well-known markers.
It could not then be the "pure religion" of which Ernest Renan wrote.
 

While we do not know much about how Tolstoyan communities were run, we do know that the movement's propaganda texts emphasized not so much heteronomous ethical mandates (do not kill, do not steal, do not lie, etc.) but rather the psychological aptitude of benevolence. This is in keeping with the Gospel and the use of spiritual qualities that under names like "Grace," "Holy Spirit," or "Charity" seem to refer to internalized emotional patterns.


We will probably never know whether those who had the ability to influence what was already a very popular ideological movement at the time debated such issues. Everything revolved around the enormous fame of the Russian writer and he never seemed especially interested in leading a social movement but rather in inspiring ethical values in which he believed.


At least it was shown that rational ideals based on altruistic, benevolent, and pacifist principles could spread quickly and that many people were willing to commit themselves to such ideals. They lacked a coherent ideology and never considered drawing on the resources of the social sciences. Psychology and anthropology were just emerging at the time, although they did have the experience of religious movements which, for better or worse, did not always fail in their community initiatives, as did the utopian socialists.

Sociial psychologist Serge Moscovici wrote about the influence of minorities. Although it may seem like an obvious issue, until then social psychologists had only paid attention to the influence of majorities: there we have the Asch experiment, and its terrible sequel, the even more famous Milgram experiment. However, ideas could not change, cultures could not evolve if minorities did not have the capacity to influence majorities over time.


For all those interested in expanding altruistic behavior, it is most convenient to reflect on how to achieve cultural changes in the sense of moral improvement. The influence of minorities occurs in all fields: in politics, religion, science, economy, technology and customs. 


It may seem to us that the discoveries of Moscovici and other social psychologists do not bring much new information to what common sense tells us about how people and attitudes change (in the case of those interested in altruism, the main topic is moral evolution) but some points deserve reflection.

 

The source of a minority's influence is its behavioral style. The concept refers to the organization of responses according to a particular pattern that has a recognizable meaning.  The minority must be, in a word, consistent; it must be coherent, self-assured.

Minority members are expected to have more in common with each other than majority members, and so are expected to spend more time together. The more time they spend together, the more likely they are to influence each other and become more uniform in opinion. Influential minorities create community.


Influential minorities compromise and negotiate with the majority.


One observation that these psychologists do not make is the relationship that there might be between monastic structures and moral evolution. Monasticism emerged with Buddhism, some 2,500 years ago (Axial Age). The idea is that a theoretical moral change becomes so demanding from a psychological point of view that the only way to bring it forward is to select highly motivated individuals and subject them to behavioral improvement training (in the moral sense) in a controlled environment. It is likely that, as in so many things, the military training system was imitated.
In this way, a "holiness of conduct" can be achieved within a cohesive minority. The expectation is that this minority will influence mainstream society, improving it morally.
 

The monastic structure in the West is known above all for the Christian monastic phenomenon that followed the fall of the Roman Empire, which developed very detailed strategies for behavioural improvement (St. Benedict's ruleImitatio Christi...). It is interesting to note that the public authorities promoted monasticism as a strategy to appease social violence. Here we have a clear example of negotiation, even of symbiosis, between the conventional and the disruptive. The phenomenon is recurrent: it seems that the Chinese promoted Buddhist preaching in Mongolia to control the aggressiveness of the nomads and Napoleon is said to have commented that "a priest saves me ten gendarmes." A more modern case is the tolerance by democratic states of conscientious objection to military service: a conscientious objector is, from a civic point of view, no better than a tax evader, in refusing to fulfil his obligation for the common good.

If the aim of social action is not, unlike political or religious phenomena, to convert the masses, but to gradually influence a moral evolution in the direction of altruism, it is clear that the first step is to create a coherent minority, capable of developing a style of behaviour, even as a subculture, which contains in a practical and unequivocal way the values ​​of social progress proper to altruism.

Altruism can be conceived as a mere transfer of goods and services that occurs due to an arbitrary motivation or as an economic manifestation of internalized moral principles. In the second case, altruism could only exist as a style of behaviour based on a complete conception of human relations.

A style of behavior that necessarily gives rise to effective altruistic economic activity would be based on psychological principles of benevolence, empathy, compassion, and charity, all of which can take shape as cohesive moral principles. This style of behavior, being associated with moral emotions of empathy and benevolence, may have the advantage of providing emotional rewards to its members, typical of human relationships of extreme trust - along the lines of those we traditionally associate with the nuclear family and conjugal love - which would reinforce motivation.

Such an approach would be in the same situation of high moral demand that led to the creation of the first monastic structures. And it could equally function as an influential minority for conventional society. But now it would be a question not of religious traditions, but of social strategies compatible with enlightened humanism informed by science.

According to social psychologist Daniel Batson, psychological altruism refers to a motivational state with the ultimate goal of increasing the well-being of others.


Not all altruistic behaviors have the same psychological motivation (one can act altruistically out of mere social convention at a given moment), but psychologically motivated altruism is undoubtedly the most promising when it comes to quantitatively increasing altruistic acts.


To promote altruistic acts, the best strategy is, logically, to promote psychologically motivated altruism. Batson, in particular, links altruistic motivation to the development of empathy. But empathy, as a basic response to human behavior, has its limitations (as aptly pointed out in a famous book). These limitations disappear almost entirely when we conceive of "principled empathy." In this case, symbolic mechanisms with strong emotional power are used to establish rational criteria for empathy and altruism. 

A principled altruistic psychology, unlike altruism based merely on empathy, requires a certain level of cognitive development. In theory, not all altruistic principles are compatible with empathy-based altruism. Consider the Marxists who believed that, to achieve universal justice, the end justified the means (and some speculations about anti-human animalism too). But altruistic psychology (or "principled empathic altruism") can address these issues if it conceives of human development as inseparable from cultural development. An altruistic culture based on empathy, while never without ethical dilemmas, cannot fall prey to utilitarian fallacies.

The goal must be to develop an altruistic culture by using—through trial and error—valid strategies for developing an altruistic personality (altruistic psychology) and controlling human innate agression.

Jeremy Rifkin points out that an outstanding experience in developing empathic connection between individuals as successful as "Alcoholics Anonymous" did not arise from psychological science, but from the individual motivation to focus cooperation for the common good from the point of view of the development of empathy. 

Also, starting from the conception of the development of a "dramaturgical consciousness" in human psychology (after humanity has passed through stages of "mythological consciousness," "theological consciousness," "ideological consciousness," and "psychological consciousness"), Jeremy Rifkin considers the possibilities of applying the "deep acting" proposed by Stanislavsky in his method for actors to the altruistic development of personality. To this we can add the possibilities of the "psychological priming" for the development of altruistic empathy, cognitive behavioral therapy strategies (coaching tricks too), the cultivation of the arts (especially literature), and the long tradition of psychological strategies characteristic of compassionate religions. If the objective of the social behavior to be achieved is always clear (non-aggressive social behavior, with the highest possible level of empathy, benevolence and altruism), a trial and error process would select the most productive strategies and discard those that are less so.

We have evidence that today there are already societies that are more altruistic than others, and therefore it seems sensible to explore the limits of the social development of altruism, for which we find a large number of potentially effective instruments.


An interesting post was recently written about the personal commitment to Effective Altruism and the necessary prevention of burnout when making financial sacrifices. It is therefore necessary to calculate what level of spending we should reserve for ourselves in order to aspire to a legitimate level of "happiness."

But the issue deserves to be approached from a broader perspective. To what extent can we make "happiness" compatible with "altruism"?

The mere act of donating increases happiness to some extent... but if this were sufficient, no one would give up abundant and readily available happiness. The reality is that donating, although it somewhat increases happiness in general terms, does not usually compensate for the economic loss it entails.

If we are good utilitarians, we will have to keep in mind that broadening the motivation for altruistic action should be a primary concern. The more people engage in altruism, the more effective it will be. Very few seem to care about something so obvious. The ideas contributed to this Forum usually concern how to get the most out of the altruistic action of the motivated agents out there. No one considers doing anything to increase it.

What if altruistic action could be a cause of more happiness, not just a possible cause of less happiness (burnout)?

Of the many ways a person can be happy, isn't there one that involves practicing altruism? Note that although Jens Anslaug (the author of the post I mentioned above) considers altruistic action to be his primary interest (deontology?)... there may also be people—many, perhaps—who choose other interests... within which altruism would be a necessary consequence... though not the direct goal.

I'm sure Jens Anslaug doesn't need my praise at all, but his altruistic motivation, as he articulates it, strikes me as an exceptional benevolence that I wish would expand beyond the ten thousand GWWCPledge. But what if that expansion doesn't occur? What if EA is another failed social improvement initiative like so many that have already occurred in history? In almost twenty years, growth hasn't been spectacular. 

EA MUST explore other options to broaden the motivational basis for altruistic agents. I can't think of anything more utilitarian than this today.

My proposal is to open a space to discuss the possibilities of developing an Effective Altruism movement that is more effective than EA today and that focuses more on the motivational basis of altruistic behavior. That the practice of altruism be part of a life plan that increases—and not threatens—the happiness of the altruistic agent.

Logically, we have the starting point of the religious movements of the so-called "compassionate religions." By participating in compassionate religious movements, millions of people (well over ten thousand) have carried out altruistic actions of great value and, above all, have achieved high levels of "happiness" (which increases motivation).

EVOLUTION IS COPY PLUS MODIFICATION

Why does religion bring happiness?

Religious people are happier, on average, than nonreligious people. This effect arises from the social ties that come with participation in a religious community, as well as from feeling connected to something beyond the self. P. 88 “The Happiness Hypotesis” Jonathan Haidt

Even when social scientists can’t accept supernatural beliefs, they recognize that religion is a profoundly influential human phenomenon that has been evolving effective self-control mechanisms for thousands of years. (…) Does a belief in a higher power really give you more control over yourself? Or is something else going on—something that even nonbelievers could believe in? (“Willpower”, Baumeister and Tierney, chapter 8)

In fact, we have the paradox that the most intellectually developed nations are those that provide the greatest happiness to their citizens. Intellectual development inevitably leads to Enlightenment thinking and consequent atheism. However, it turns out that the happiest people living in those nations are precisely those who believe in the supernatural. They are not happy because they believe in supernatural beings... but because they have religion. If we atheists also had "religion"... and it were of the "compassionate" kind... then the motivational basis for altruism would grow enormously. Could there be anything more utilitarian than that?

Almost two hundred years ago, the former atheist priest Ernest Renan speculated about the emergence of a "pure religion" (whose origins lay, in his somewhat exaggerated speculation, in early Christianity).

God doesn't exist, but religion does, and historically, so-called "compassionate religions" have demonstrated that they comprise social psychological mechanisms capable of providing individuals with rewarding emotional states, social harmony, improved behavior in the sense of benevolence... and a predisposition toward altruistic action.

These mechanisms of harmony and benevolence can exist outside of belief in the supernatural.

With the exception of organized religion, Alcoholics Anonymous probably represents the largest program ever conducted to improve self-control (…) Yet social scientists still aren’t exactly sure what AA accomplishes. (“Willpower”, Baumeister and Tierney, chapter 8)

 

What the creators of AA achieved can be achieved again. They were not academic psychologists, but highly motivated individuals who developed their model of "behavior improvement" through a process of trial and error... without ever losing sight of the goal.

For EA, the goal to be achieved is... the largest possible number of altruistic agents in the world.

To achieve the largest possible number of people motivated to become altruistic agents, altruistic action must be associated with the greatest possible happiness.

Perhaps many people who participate in EA have already been motivated by "social ties" and not just by the utilitarian ideal. We should be wary of those who, when making ideological choices that greatly compromise their lifestyle, claim that they are not doing so for "personal reasons." Ideological choices do have a lot to do with the personal.

But a participatory belief of a "compassionate religious" kind can offer much more than "social ties."

Christian love has focused on two key words:- caritas and agape. Caritas (the origin of our word "charity") is a kind of intense benevolence and good will; agape is a Greek word that refers to a kind of selfless, spiritual love with no sexuality, no clinging to a particular other person. (…)As in Plato, Christian love is love stripped of its essential particularity, its focus on a specific other person. Love is remodeled into a general attitude toward a much larger, even infinite, class of objects.  P. 131 “The Happiness Hypotesis” Jonathan Haidt

We know that, like AA, a collaborative effort, through trial and error, can design a subculture of benevolence and altruism that motivates—in their pursuit of happiness—far more people than the GWWC Pledge currently brings together. If this is implemented, in addition to bringing happiness to many individuals of a certain temperament (not everyone is cut out to be a saint), it would also have the potential to influence the whole of conventional society toward moral improvement.

Today, we have all kinds of historical experiences of cultural change and a rich variety of strategies available—apart from those of religious tradition—to attempt to improve behavior, from psychotherapy to coaching to the "Stanislavsky method" of acting.

Perhaps the most difficult thing of all is to break through prejudice and consider the real situation.

 Achieving moral excellence is achieving moral autonomy, stages 5 and 6 on Kohlberg's scale.
 

Greco-Roman Stoicism, greatly influenced by the West's discovery of Buddhism, preached moral excellence and, therefore, autonomy. This meant that those seeking such excellence no longer depended on conventions or legal codifications that, as casuistry, designated good and evil.
 

The moral man—Stoicism was strongly masculine—assumes the revelation of social virtue in his soul. As a scholar, a magistrate, a politician, and even a soldier, the moral man of Stoicism gratifies himself in his own conscience by choosing good over evil, rejecting any other distraction of the spirit. When he reaches this state, Epictetus considers him "a philosopher" ("we, the philosophers") and takes as his model figures of the past such as Socrates and Diogenes.


It is possible that Chinese Confucianism had a similar conception of virtue.
 

Christianity, a mass religion, prevailed over Roman Stoicism. There were no more philosophers (it would take more than a thousand years for the West to have such men again, in the Renaissance and the Enlightenment), and in the pursuit of virtue (moral autonomy), a curious duality emerged: unlike the Stoic "philosophers," those who achieve moral excellence (the "saints")... far from being destined to govern society, find themselves outside of it.


It is true that Socrates and Diogenes themselves are portrayed almost as wandering vagabonds (as the sadhu-renouncers)... but they had much to say to rulers about how to pursue the common good. Marcus Aurelius, Cicero and Seneca will govern themselves.


Christian virtue is apolitical. And that is why its ideal is that the man or woman who achieves moral excellence preaches not so much good governance but interpersonal moral virtue such as charity or the "state of Grace," in thought, word, and deed. The French writer Ernest Renan (a scholar who was an atheist and former Catholic priest) wrote that Christianity preached "pure religion."


Two thousand years later, after the failure of socialism, there is an opportunity for a moral evolution based, once again, on psychological principles of autonomy.


Christianity's dualism (a sinful secular society and an apolitical community of saints that maintains the flame of moral autonomy) signals today the possibility of merging saintliness and secularity (something impossible two thousand years ago, due to the preeminence of the supernatural).

 

The equivalent of Stoicism (an elite of philosophers within society itself) has the advantage of being more conventional and acceptable to the intellectual elites for whom it was always intended; with socialism having failed, apolitical altruism is the only option for today's philosopher.


But "secularized" Christianity likely has more options as an alternative than a new Stoicism, because epistemologically altruism cannot be conceived without charity. 

 

We would have a conception of nonpolitical social change based on civic responsibility, equivalent to paying taxes but of higher impact.

 

And maybe we could also have a conception of nonpolitical social change based on the psychological transformation of interpersonal relationships in the direction of empathy and benevolence.

Altruism and Charity

by idea21
5 min read 0

-10

Without limiting itself to the ancient theological definitions of the term, "Charity" is an emotional state generated by the internalization of an abstract idea related to personal relationships. It is a symbolization.
 

A "symbol" is a sign that represents an idea. The idea of ​​"Charity" is probably the most notable invention of Christianity (it did not exist in Buddhism or Stoicism, the great earlier ethical schools). It is not simply "compassion" nor is it limited to encouraging altruistic acts: it is a lifestyle, a particular conception of human relationships that is only possible through the internalization of a pattern of behavior based on benevolence and rationality. "Rationality" is what differentiates and enriches Charity compared to a mere state of piety (closer to modern "empathy").

 

Sigmund Freud already considered that this emotional state could be the result of the cultural manipulation of "libido." Since the Freudian "libido" may be debatable, others refer to maternal love and its derivatives as the instinctual origin of "Charity," which, like fire, agriculture, or the wheel, is a human invention, a tool of the mind.

 

Charity isn't the only possible source of altruism. The intention to benefit others without receiving any material reward in return may have another origin. But a society based on the behavioral principles of Charity would have altruism as an expression of economic life, would lack a political form (politics implies coercive power and therefore denies benevolence), and would be structured around an "ideology of behavior."

 

The objective of this ideology of behavior would logically be to facilitate the internalization of "Charity" by each and every individual who, together, would form society.


It is not "education" in the current sense of didacticism. Didacticism implies the fallacious claim to train individuals to make rational decisions through free will, regardless of their cultural circumstances. Immanuel Kant considered himself free to the extent that his erudition allowed him an informed use of reason. And yet, in fundamental aspects of his beliefs, he proved to be a man of his time, with the cultural prejudices of his era.


It is quite possible that a future humanity living in an altruistic economy with an ideology of Charity will find the benevolent behavior we would consider "extreme" today quite natural. Just as today, it seems natural (in the West) to reject the abuse of children and animals (something that did not happen earlier). This is how moral evolution works. However, for today's individual, who accepts as inevitable that sub-Saharan immigrants will drown trying to reach Europe or that the high-tech industry will spend billions of dollars producing cosmetics instead of treatments for the curable diseases that continue to occur, moral evolution has not yet taken its final step.


Until now, the process of internalizing moral standards of benevolence has occurred erratically, the result of a confluence of social circumstances of all kinds. We have had religions and political ideologies, but not "ideologies of behavior."


Charity is "implanted" in human behavior through a variety of psychological strategies. Not through didacticism or education. Through emulation, yes. But for it to occur through emulation, the necessary "influential minority" must first exist.

 

In a behavioral sense, for the individual who embraces "Charity" as a symbolization to internalize a lifestyle pattern, the practice of Charity involves aggression control (nonviolence), fostering a sense of empathy, rationality, practicing benevolence, visualizing benevolence (non-histrionic acting), humility, a sense of community, and, of course, effective altruism as the basis for economic behavior. This might be sufficient to motivate a minority of individuals who, by temperament or personal circumstances, are drawn to a lifestyle that involves sacrifice but also provides emotional rewards (idealism, affection, social ties).

 

Based altruistic action on ethical choice through free will (like Kant, like the Stoics) could transform the world if the dimensions of this choice are reached at the level to which many EA activists aspire.  Simply put, the cultural consequences of this social change would be so impactful that this economic fact alone would lead to all kinds of human changes in the direction of benevolence.

 

But if that expectation is not met it would be utilitarian to keep in mind the possibility that seems most logical, which is that individuals are more likely to be emotionally committed to Charity before engaging in altruistic acts and not the other way around.

 Charity, as a human experience and cultural alternative, could be more attractive to the individual as a motivation for altruism than the altruistic act generated by a rationality suspiciously linked to a current culture not based on Charity. As a lifestyle, Charity involves not only sacrifice (if it is necessary to act altruistically) but also a non-materialistic reward, as it presupposes a social system based on benevolence and rationality, with all that this entails (especially on an emotional level). Of course, in the eyes of mainstream society, the sacrifices may seem excessive and the rewards meager... but all cultural change is built on a minority.


EA accepts the idea that altruistic donations already entail rewards (there are psychological studies that seem to confirm this). The question is: if we are utilitarians, wouldn't it be appropriate to seek increased rewards derived from altruistic actions, if we already assume that we act motivated by them? The greater the non-materialistic rewards, the more likely individuals are to be motivated to act altruistically.

 

To claim that we can act altruistically without personal motivation is fallacious. Even the Stoics had a personal motivation to fulfill their moral duty (honor?).
 

What we need is an effective motivation that doesn't contradict the ends. That motivation can be Charity as a lifestyle or ethos. And it also makes sense as an effective basis for moral evolution in general terms. In socialism (social equality through coercive, political means), the end may justify the means; but in Charity, the means and the ends must be of the same nature.

 

Considering Charity as the surest source of altruism also implies shifting the priority of organizing effective altruistic action from the perspective of a behavioral ideology.

 

The first objective to be achieved must be to contribute to moral evolution. Altruistic causes must be selected from the perspective of their potential impact on mainstream society: the visualization of the embryo of a culture of Charity as a rewarding alternative for a morally influential minority. The utilitarian principle is incontestable: no one can reject the priority of serving causes like the malaria campaign, where lives can be saved in poor countries for relatively little money. However, long-term causes are viewed much more equivocally.

What practical form could the development of a behavioral ideology in the sense of Charity initially take?

At the very least, it would be advisable to establish a social network of assistance and support for existing donors of effective altruism, in order to create a community and develop a lifestyle based on Charity. Apparently, loneliness, disorientation, and burnout are problems that are already occurring.
 

Pitirim Sorokin and Altruism

by idea21
4 min read 2

9

Professor Pitirim Sorokin was the founder of the Department of Sociology at Harvard and president of the National Sociological Association. His best-known work is "Social and Cultural Dynamics."

But, somewhat independently of his academic achievements, this scholar, born in Russia in 1889 (and author of an essay on the philosophy of Leo Tolstoy in 1912), after World War II, and already settled in the United States, promoted a vision of social change based on the development of love and altruism. In 1949, he founded the Center for the Study of Creative Altruism at Harvard and would write books such as "Altruistic Love" in 1950 and, most notably, "The Ways and Power of Love" in 1954.

These dates coincide with Erich Fromm's famous book "The Art of Loving" in 1956. At the height of the Cold War, European exiles, disenchanted with totalitarian political utopias, presented proposals for moral perfection that sought to scientifically rationalize benevolent impulses and thus avoid social conflict.

 

Love replaces the struggle for existence by harmonious unity and mutual aid. (p. 8) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

Sorokin's description of altruism and altruistic love, although at times using originally ambitious conceptions, a bit Jungian ("supraconsciousness"), and appealing heavily to the testimony of saints and great men of the past (from Jesus and Mahavira to Tolstoy and Gandhi), also provides us with a most enlightening systematization.

Psychologically the experience of love is a complex consisting of emotional, affective, volitional, and intellectual elements. It has many qualitative forms, covered by such terms as: empathy, sympathy, kindness, devotion, admiration, benevolence, reverence, respect, adoration, friendship- to single out a few. (p. 10) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

Offering a seat to another person on a streetcar, is an action of love, though of low intensity (p. 15) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

The storing of love energy in individuals means making their love actions and reactions spontaneously habitual, interiorized and rooted to such an extent that they become second nature. (p. 45) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

[There are] three basic principles of altruistic groups: ideological and behavorial identification of the group and of its members with the supreme value of love (called by different names); common fund of the basic values for all members; and the total affiliation of each member with the (monastic or brotherhood) community, with resulting surrender of his egos and affiliations to the supreme value of the community and the community itself. (p. 454) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

On the part of the atheistic altruists (…), their highest ideal and value is often called by various "prosaic" names: the greatest happiness, the greatest good, the main pleasure, the most important social value, the deepest emotional drive, the greatest social need, libido, life energy, and the like. These terms denote in such cases something far transcending their literal meaning. (p. 146) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

There are many persons who profess to love the whole of humanity. The extensity of their love is thus enormous. But their love of humanity rarely goes beyond speech-reactional declarations, and shows little in their deeds. This is love of low intensity combined with vast extensity. (p. 20) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

No notable altruization is possible without three mutually connected personal and sociocultural changes, namely: I) a self-identification of the individual with some sort of altruistic values, conceived either in their sublimest or elementary form; 2) a respective rearrangement of one's egos, values, and standards; and 3) a corresponding rearrangement of one's group affiliations and environment. (p. 287) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

A fundamental aspect of Sorokin's conception is that he perceives love and altruism as a psychological transformation that, while independent of spiritualist traditions, cannot separate altruistic action from the subjective state of virtue. The internalization of love is revealed and evidenced by behavioral expression. This is observed both in the testimonies of the Stoic "spiritual exercises" and, above all, in the psychological work of Christian monasticism.

Let there be no sign of anger, unforgiveness, jealousy or contention among the monks; no gesture, movement, word, look, expression, or anything of the kind, calculated to stir a companion to wrath (p. 397) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

 

Note that this control of behavior, which could correspond to current coaching, or even to Stanislavsky-style actor preparation, also coincides with what some authors observe in the "Amish" community: a society of four hundred thousand men and women who coexist without government, without courts, without laws, police, fines or prisons, avoiding all conflict and aggression through strategies of mutual agreement, humility and reconciliation (which they generally call "Gelassenheit").

How one smiles, laughs, shakes hands, removes one’s hat, and drives one’s horse signal Gelassenheit or its absence. A boisterous laugh and a quick retort betray a cocky spirit. (…) An aggressive handshake and a curt greeting disclose an assertive self that does not befit Gelassenheit. Rather, a gentle chuckle or hesitation before a response embodies a spirit of humility. ("The Amish")

 

One of Sorokin's great achievements, therefore, is to describe the emotional nature of moral choice. An emotionality in a social context, behaviorally expressed, and that can be consistent with ideological principles derived from the same abstract conception of morality.

A great tragedy often moves its audience much more deeply than an eloquent sermon; a great novel or a great symphony often inspires stronger moral aspirations than an excellent lecture on ethics (p. 319) The Ways and Power of Love”  Templeton Foundation Press 2002

But neither Sorokin nor his inspiration, Tolstoy, left behind an effective social movement of altruism based on their principles of psychological transformation.

Empathy-altruism and Altruistic Personality

by idea21
4 min read 0

1

According to the empathy-altruism hypothesis popularized by social psychologist C. Daniel Batson, the average human individual, when exposed to knowledge of another's suffering, responds empathetically to such information with a restorative altruistic action. The more we expose ourselves to empathy, the more we act altruistically, and this has positive consequences beyond the restorative action itself.

Helping a person for whom one feels empathic concern is likely to enable the helper to gain social and self-rewards, avoid social and self-punishments, and reduce aversive arousal caused by witnessing the other’s suffering. But according to the empathy-altruism hypothesis, these benefits to self are not the ultimate goal of the motivation to help produced by empathy. They are either unintended consequences or the product of other motives (...). The empathy-altruism hypothesis claims that the ultimate goal of the motivation produced by empathic concern is to remove the empathy-evoking need. (p. 39)  "Altruism in Humans·",  C. Daniel Batson 2011; Oxford University Press

 

However, Effective Altruism is largely based on a rejection of altruism motivated by empathy, and there are reasons for this: exposure gives us a biased view of existing suffering, as Paul Bloom recounts in his book "Against Empathy".

 

Batson, for his part, takes this objection into account and responds to it by showing that altruism can be motivated, in addition to empathy, by moral principles, by the internalization of these (normocentrism)... and by the altruistic personality.

 

To find support for the empathy-altruism hypothesis by no means rules out the possibility that there may be sources of altruistic motivation other than empathic concern. Several have been proposed, including an “altruistic personality” (…), principled moral reasoning (Kohlberg, 1976), and internalized prosocial values (p. 235) "Altruism in Humans·",  C. Daniel Batson 2011; Oxford University Press

 

The dangers of moral principles are well known. Marxist ideology held that "the end justifies the means": the most altruistic act was the one most likely to lead to the success of the class struggle. On the other hand, to what extent is principled altruism motivating?

 

The major problem with principlism as a source of motivation to benefit others or society at large is its corruptibility (…) Moral principles are affirmed, but the motivation to uphold these principles seems weak.(…) people may conveniently forget to think about their moral principles if such an omission serves their interests  (p. 225) "Altruism in Humans·",  C. Daniel Batson 2011; Oxford University Press

 

Is there a way to combine the motivating force of empathic altruism with the logical precision of principled altruism?

Perhaps the solution lies in the development of an altruistic personality. Individuals who are personally motivated to be altruistic will act altruistically to the extent that, as a human being, they wish to preserve their own personality (moral principles are emotionally internalized). Since the motivational reference is their own personal experience (obviously, experiences of empathy, lived with greater or lesser proximity), we can be more certain that their altruistic moral principles will not be corrupted. Furthermore, elements of personality can include—apart from empathic sensitivity—intellectual rationalism and curiosity (which enhance the effectiveness of the altruistic act), and aggression control, which prevents a disproportionate empathic reaction (in the face of injustice, for example) from causing more harm than good.

 

Batson refers to the 1988 work on empathic personality by the Oliners. Samuel and Pearl Oliner studied one of the best-documented historical cases of people who developed altruistic behavior in extreme circumstances: the "rescuers" of the Jewish Holocaust.

If we can understand some of the attributes that distinguished rescuers from others, perhaps we can deliberately cultivate them (Preface)  "The Altruistic Personality" Samuel and Pearl Oliner 1992; The Free Press

The Oliners' conclusion is that the altruistic personality is formed primarily in childhood (especially through affection and empathic social development in the home and family) and that ideological and educational factors play a minor role (though not nonexistent: a liberal and democratic ideology, as well as a higher level of education, helps). Innate factors cannot be ruled out either.

Parents whose disciplinary techniques are benevolent, particularly those who rely on reasoning, are more likely to have kind and generous children, children who behave helpfully with respect to others. (…) Inductive reasoning is particularly conducive to altruism. Induction focuses children’s attention on the consequences of their behaviors for others, drawing attention to others’ feelings, thoughts, and welfare. Children are thus led to understand others cognitively—a skill known as perspective- or role-taking—and are also thus more inclined to develop empathy toward others.  (Chapter 7) "The Altruistic Personality" Samuel and Pearl Oliner 1992; The Free Press

So the question must be, how do we create altruistic personality in adults?

To suggest that all rescuers developed altruistic and inclusive inclinations because of good family relationships oversimplifies the complex realities (Chapter 7) "The Altruistic Personality" Samuel and Pearl Oliner 1992; The Free Press

When asking this question, we must consider that the extreme case of heroic Holocaust rescuers need not necessarily apply to, say, becoming a financial donor to altruistic causes in our time.

First and foremost, we should understand how "personality" of any kind is created in adults. We certainly know that, unfortunately, it is not too difficult to foster aggressive personalities, as happens in military training camps (a la "Full Metal Jacket").

Could our current knowledge about modifying behavioral patterns be applied here?  Is there some kind of historical precedent for fostering altruistic personality that we could use as a basis for a future initiative in this direction? 

Cultural Longtermism

by idea21
3 min read 0

7

  Among the extensive collection of "Essays on Longtermism", we find very little space for the question of cultural evolution and none for the idea of ​​the civilizing process, already outlined by Norbert Elias and recently revived by Steven Pinker. This is especially surprising in the context of a collection of reflections inspired by adherence to altruism as the basis of a social movement.

 

  A longterm vision inspired by altruism would logically consider the innate phenomenon of altruism in human behavior as a long-term cultural trend related to prosociality. Prosociality implies fostering human cooperation as the unequivocal priority mechanism for increasing well-being. It is an undeniable reality that, while all other social animals are forced to compete for scarce resources (a zero-sum game), Homo sapiens, through cooperation and technology, can increase economic resources indefinitely. What long-term plan could be more obvious than promoting the social conditions today (developing cultural resources) for the gradual increase of the human capacity for cooperation in the future? And what clearer connection could there be with altruism, which, of all prosocial options, is the one that best guarantees efficient cooperation?

 

A speculative exercise should be undertaken regarding the development of efficient social formulas based on altruism that can start from the present moment (of which the EA movement is a part) and that can reach the distant future that the long-term issue deals with.

 

A movement aspiring to an economic system based on altruism must consider human development as a process of moral evolution (cultural evolution) that is essentially a process of controlling aggression and fostering cooperation. There is nothing miraculous or mythical about the benevolent behavior from which altruistic economics originates. Benevolence is a type of innate prosociality that rewards the individual who experiences empathetic feelings. It can be experienced when we play with our young children... but also, more artificially, when we read a well-written moralistic novel (Dickens or Dostoevsky). The cultivation of benevolence can reach very sophisticated levels throughout cultural evolution. The so-called "compassionate religions" were a strategy that led to certain achievements... but whose limitations we all know today. Anyway, until now, there has been no rationalist social movement focused on cultivating benevolence with a view to incentivizing altruistic motivation. 

 

It seems unlikely that the altruistic motivation generated by contemporary society, as it exists today, can change the world. Altruistic commitment is demanding, and the emotional rewards of benevolence as they are currently offered do not appear sufficient to incentivize it. It would be wonderful if the altruistic act itself motivated a large number of agents, but what we know about altruism to date is that its expansion usually requires the development of benevolence as a lifestyle and as a stimulus for the altruistic act.

 

    If we consider the historical experience of moral evolution and the cultural possibilities of cultivating benevolence as a way of life, we can find keys that would facilitate an increase in altruistic motivation. A long-term vision (a radiant future) can be very guiding, since the goal to be achieved would have to be proportionate to the means to achieve it (unlike what happens with socialism). 

 

  The resemblance of this type of cultural evolutionary process (promoting a lifestyle based on cultivating benevolence to motivate altruistic action) to the "compassionate religions" of the past should not worry us, because every evolutionary process is, by necessity, "copy plus modification," and because the most sensible definitions of the religious phenomenon do not consider the supernatural element necessary (GEERTZ´S: "A system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic")

 

   In order to develop altruism through improved behavior aided by emotionally motivating beliefs (internalized morality, moral autonomy), we now have a universe of motivational strategies of all kinds -from psychotherapy, from old religious traditions, from arts...- that can be selected through trial and error. Above all, the goal is to create an influential minority that facilitates the moral progress of conventional society as a whole.  A minority as small as EA's today—one person for every half million—cannot be very influential... even assuming that the EA community had a solid and coherent ideological content


Systemic Change

by idea21
Dec 13 2025

It’s perfectly plausible that there are ‘systemic’ interventions that those in the effective altruism community are neglecting. (p. 24) 

Regarding global poverty in particular, there is reason to believe that the prospects for systemic change initiatives are greater than the movement has recognized hitherto. (…)  The movement (…) should recalibrate its preference for technological solutions to global poverty over political solutions (p. 112)

EFFECTIVE ALTRUISM PHLOSOPHICAL ISSUES  - 2019

  It is a serious mistake to assume that all "systemic change," in the sense of civilizational initiatives to reduce suffering, must be based on political measures. The possibilities for systemic change that the EA community should primarily consider are those derived from the very unique characteristics of the EA movement. And these imply a non-political social change.

   EA is the first social change movement based on the development of a behavioral trait, namely altruism (it could even be considered a case of "behavioral ideology"). Unlike mere prosociality (which can be based on the reciprocity of individual material interests), altruism requires a completely subjective motivation. It is based on self-interest... but not of a material kind, nor of conventional "social fulfillment" ("honor," "prestige," "dignity"). The altruist's self-interest is emotional and ideological (for example, the mere "feeling good" of performing the altruistic act, and the realization of a social ideal).

   Systemic change consistent with the originality of a social change movement based on a behavioral trait would have to be the complete development of a behavioral model as a cultural alternative. Apparently, EA's attitude toward the nature of altruistic motivation is one of indifference. Altruistic motivation simply arises for any reason. At the moment, however, there aren't many effective altruists. Ten thousand have signed the GWWC Pledge. That's not many. They are "good," but they are not numerous.

  The well-intentioned attempt to convince as many people as possible that altruistic behavior is characteristic of "ordinary people" seems rather unpromising. And it's nothing new. We've been hearing for quite some time that practicing altruism shouldn't be the work of religious fanatics or obsessive maniacs, but rather of happy, cheerful, even hedonistic and "sinful" people. One would think that by appealing to the interest of such a populated universe of potential altruists, good results would be achieved in promoting motivation. But not only does this tactic seem ineffective, but if one reads realistic portrayals of contemporary altruists, such as in "Strangers Drowning," what we find are styles of behavior that are unattractive from a conventional point of view.

  "Ordinary people" are unlikely to assimilate a motivation that involves self-sacrifice, detachment, changing habits, and isolation, beyond laudable exceptions. If altruism is not consistent with the psychological changes that altruistic motivation generally entails, it will never "take off" and become a morally influential force for non-political social change. On the other hand, we must also avoid exaggerating the darker aspects of idealistic commitment. Human beings can be happy in many ways. They can have very different temperaments. They can evaluate their own temperament, their own potential, their own aspirations, and their own capacity to adapt to their environment. We need more options and a more realistic approach to motivations that necessarily reflect self-interest.

  In short, if we want more altruistic motivation, it must be made more attractive to more people. And the path to large-scale altruism is not the path of a conventional lifestyle. It would be wonderful if "ordinary people" suddenly changed their material consumption habits and dedicated themselves to altruism as one might dedicate oneself to business, sports, or a professional career. But while we await such an improbable miracle (which, due to its unrealistic nature, seems comparable to the miracles proclaimed by theistic beliefs), it would be far more useful to consider what we know about human experience when participating in "spiritual" or "transcendent" experiences of social disruption. A human community dedicated to the moral improvement motivated by altruism could become a thrilling life adventure for hundreds of thousands of sensitive and creative people. It would be a minority... but a much larger one than the ten thousand  GWWC Pledgers. If I may use the comparison, appealing to "ordinary people" is like casting a line into a pond teeming with fish, but none will bite. It would be better to cast the line into a pond with fewer fish, but where they might bite. Another comparison is that EA right now, from a motivational standpoint, is like Nancy Reagan's "Just Say No" campaign ("just donate"). But we all know that from a social psychology perspective, the "Just Say No" campaign was a fiasco.

  EA doesn't need "ordinary people," but "saints." Saints who are happy in their peculiar lifestyle dedicated to benevolence, anti-aggressive moral idealism, and altruistic work; who can generate large amounts of goods and services for humanitarian purposes; and who, through their work and lifestyle, can influence conventional society in a prosocial way (like monasteries in the Middle Ages or Quakers in New England). Furthermore, "conventional" altruists can perfectly coexist with "saint" altruists. In a type of belief marked by the results obtained (from altruistic work), the more heresies, the better.

  Starting from a rationalist refinement of the old model of "compassionate religions," we find that the happiness of the saints is built upon various behavioral elements, all not only compatible with but also motivating for altruism: the moral satisfaction of unequivocally doing good; the experience of a highly trusting human community with zero or near-zero aggression; the affective benefits of benevolence (directly related to altruism); the shared effort to seek harmony in behavior, fostering humility and empathy, overcoming self-love, and improving the development of rational arguments; the belief in a harmonious, logical, and stable worldview; the development of effective social skills (avoiding histrionics); and the sharing of an unequivocal common task (mission) with the capacity to influence moral improvement on a universal level (the moral community is not closed to other individuals: a community of witness).

   Today, such a lifestyle (whose exact form is, of course, impossible to imagine) can make use of modern strategies unknown to the old "compassionate religions," such as coaching, psychotherapy, or even dramaturgical techniques, which would be selected through trial and error (the more heresies, the better). We can also be guided to some extent by what we know of the emotional experience of political activism (but non-political, now), equally absorbing and passionate for many, and in which experiences of transcendence and elevation have never had anything to do with supernatural traditions. The creative experience of the arts itself can offer us many positive elements related to the psychology of motivating devotion.

  In short, we must be realistic about how to cultivate the motivation for a lifestyle change that is necessarily linked to sacrifice and a paradigm shift. Let us remember that it is not about creating an option that appeals to the vast majority because that would be unfeasible given the conventional way of life. But let us also remember that, given the productivity of economic effort today, if a lifestyle of this kind were to attract one person out of every thousand (or ten thousand!), it could completely change the world. Just as an indication, the number of Catholic religious—living an unconventional life—in the world is over a million. Imagine all the good they could do in the world if their devotion and unconventional lifestyle were channeled into effective altruism.

   From the perspective of effective altruism, the charity of the Catholic Church is invalid because its motivation is flawed: charity is performed out of supernatural mandate—irrationalism—or, above all, to enhance the prestige of the Catholic Church itself, as a political entity that is an end in itself. The same can be said of socialist idealism: the object of the altruism a socialist can undertake is that which aims to contribute (through propaganda and reputation) to political change (political power).

   Someone might argue that, for this very reason, genuine altruism should be motivated exclusively by the quantifiable achievement to be attained (QALYs and the like) and not by the altruistic agent's self-interest in enjoying a particular lifestyle that appeals to her. But the chances of this kind of deontological model—also based on self-interest, like all motivation—being viable are slim, given experience. And if we're talking about utilitarianism, it's foolish not to explore other paths more consistent with the past experience of other social movements in which altruism has been an important element (especially "compassionate religions," though not the only example). Evolution is "copy plus modification."

   The first step would simply be to conduct the thought experiment of imagining this new situation. What are "systemic changes"? What is cultural, moral, or civilizational evolution? What are the motivations behind altruistic commitment?


Can altruism be patient?

by idea21
Jan 7


Within the endless web of ethical dilemmas, the question of postponing decisions is always raised. Is it better to donate one hundred today than two hundred tomorrow? Is it better to set in motion a revolutionary political process that promotes long-term and lasting social justice, rather than participate today in merely palliative charitable actions?

For those with a clear vision of human nature as determined by its capacity for cultural evolution, the obvious answer is to find means and ends compatible with participation in a process of improving ultimately moral behavior. Any altruistic action that contributes to spreading cultural patterns of moral improvement must take priority over any other that does not make this contribution to the same degree.

There is no greater altruism than promoting altruism, and postponing the recognition of this evidence is tantamount to sabotaging our own altruistic intentions. Ignoring the existence of the phenomenon of human moral evolution is, from a logical point of view, far worse than ignoring climate change, pollution, or the mistreatment of non-human animals. And it's worse because moral evolution would automatically solve all these other problems.

Truly effective altruism should prioritize promoting moral evolution. Altruism that fails to recognize that the source of altruism is the altruistic personality is pure denialism.

Everyone agrees that if all the children in the world were raised with intelligence and love, the world would be a paradise in the short term... but most refuse to accept that in order to educate children, adults must first be educated in rationality and benevolence. And how is that achieved? It is something that has already been actually happening through a gradual evolution throughout history and that depends on mechanisms of social psychology that we have always been aware of.

This is a question that civilization has addressed since antiquity through the dissemination of wisdom, spirituality, religious doctrine, and, more recently, with the help of the social sciences. The altruistic community, irrationally and senselessly, seems uninterested in this issue.

The reality is that, until now, no social movement has existed based exclusively on improving human behavior in the sense of benevolence. This deficiency is what urgently needs to be remedied.

Those who believe their altruistic motivation is a product of free will fall into a lamentable superstition... just as much as if they believe it is caused by "fate." Altruistic behavior doesn't exist because, miraculously, a few people today have given altruistic behavior a relevance it previously lacked. If altruistic behavior has come into existence, as an embryo of a behavioral ideology movement—altruism being a behavioral trait—it is probably as a consequence of prior ideological social phenomena. The spread and persistence of moral demands? The failure of socialism? The exhaustion of the "ideology of human rights"? The obsolescence of religious movements?

In his 1935 work, the British psychologist Ian Suttie was scandalized by the existence of a taboo against love and tenderness. For him, love was not a poetic matter, but an empirically definable behavioral fact, and therefore subject to being rationally cultivated.

There is a taboo on tenderness every bit as spontaneous and masterful as the taboo on sex itself (p. 78).

Love still remains the affair of poets, romancers, and the religious—not of science (p. 65).

“How is the comforting conviction of being loved arrived at?” Words will not produce it, though pitch and timbre of voice are important. Quickness of response, readiness of understanding, sympathetic emotional responses, even laughter—(not of the malicious-pleasure sort), posture, the width and shape of the palpebral fissure (eye), dilation of pupil, amount of fluid in the eye as well as facial color and expression, all these and other signs which individually are meaningless, are intuitively apprehended as a harmonious whole, and so produced in us some reaction which is both pleasant and encouraging. (p. 73)

Ian Suttie “The Origins of Love and Hate” 1934

You constantly read in this forum people writing that they act altruistically BUT THEY ARE NOT SAINTS... What do people think "saintliness" is? These are perfectly definable, humanly viable and culturally significant behavioral models. Just as happened a hundred years ago with Mr. Suttie, today we are once again confronted by the superstition of the taboo against "saintliness"... that is, against altruistic, psychologically viable, and rewarding models of behavior that are logically and ideologically consistent.

Ignorance, superstition, and prejudice are not utilitarian.

Facing Existential Risk is not altruistic

by idea21
Feb 11

Altruism cannot exist without altruistic motivation.

Issues that concern the common good and are as serious as climate change, pollution, global economic crises, AI alignment or nuclear war can be addressed, and in fact are being addressed, by numerous international agencies—state or otherwise—with varying degrees of success, and, of course, any valuable contribution to such issues is welcome... but prosocial behavior for the common good does not necessarily imply altruistic motivation.

The idea of ​​existential risk is old. Perhaps it dates back to Malthus (overpopulation, then), but in any case, it does not necessarily imply altruism. Quite the contrary, existential risk, by generating alarm, can lead many fanatics to promote ruthless solutions as a "lesser evil" (Malthus suggested letting the poor starve to death so they wouldn't reproduce too much). I prefer not to give other examples. Nor is animal welfare necessarily related to altruism concerning human suffering (some animal rights activists consider humanity a harmful species against the natural order).

Why then does the EA forum dedicate so much space to these issues, which are already addressed in many other discussion forums, and in which the same people who participate in this forum could also take part?

Everyone can do as they please on their private property, and can name their private spaces as they see fit, but "believing" in altruism implies a certain commitment to a concept that, for the first time, seems to be addressed rationally and, at the same time, with activism. One can act altruistically in different causes, but a rational development of altruism as a behavioral pattern represents an unprecedented possibility for social change.

Although the altruistic community has not yet reached the level of creating a behavioral ideology (with all that this would imply in terms of paradigm shifts), its originality opens a crack in the wall of prejudices inherent in activism for social improvement as it has been known since the Enlightenment. A society can improve in many ways: through economic progress, through technology and science, through political changes... but social progress centered on "altruism" is none of these.  Altruistics represents an opportunity to propose systemic alternatives.

Some may get the impression that the interest many show in existential risk or the vagueness of long-termism are evasive formulas regarding the experiential involvement that developing altruistic motivation can entail for those who have rationally discovered that human life cannot be improved without also affecting emotional experience in the realm of social commitment. Those who advocate for social change have always liked to boast that they are objective and that "personal matters don't interest them," but in genuine altruistic motivation, everything is personal.

And, in any case, given the small volume of donations, EA should—in a sound consequentialist approach—pay more attention to exploiting its potential to support systemic change.


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